Friday, October 5, 2012

The Corporate Culture Survival Guide by Edgar Shein

Our September 21, 2012 post introduced a few key elements of Prof. Edgar Schein’s “mental model” of organizational culture.  Our focus in that post was to decry how Schein’s basic construct of culture had been adopted by the nuclear industry but then twisted to fit company and regulatory desires for simple-minded mechanisms for assessing culture and cultural interventions.

In this post, we want to expand on Schein’s model of what culture is, how it can be assessed, and how its evolution can be influenced by management initiatives.  Where appropriate, we will provide our perspective based on our beliefs and experience.  All the quotes below come from Schein’s The Corporate Culture Survival Guide.*

What is Culture?

Schein’s familiar model shows three levels of culture: artifacts, espoused values and underlying assumptions.  In his view, the real culture is the bottom level: “Culture is the shared tacit assumptions of a group that have been learned through coping with external tasks and dealing with internal relationships.” (p. 217)  The strength of an organization’s culture is a function of the intensity of shared experiences and the relative success the organization has achieved.  “Culture . . . influences how you think and feel as well as how you act.” (p. 75)  Culture is thus a product of social learning. 

Our view does not conflict with Schein’s.  In our systems approach, culture is a variable that provides context for, but does not solely determine, organizational and individual decisions. 

How can Culture be Assessed?

Surveys

“You cannot use a survey to assess culture.” (p. 219)  The specific weaknesses of surveys are discussed elsewhere (pp. 78-80) but his bottom line is good enough for us.  We agree completely.

Interviews

Individual interviews can be used when interviewees would be inhibited in a group setting but Schein tries to avoid them in favor of group interviews because the latter are more likely to correctly identify the true underlying assumptions. 

In contrast, the NEI and IAEA safety culture evaluation protocols use interviews extensively, and we’ve commented on them here and here

Group discussion 


Schein’s recommended method for deciphering a company’s culture is a facilitated group exercise that attempts to identify the deeper (real) assumptions that drive the creation of artifacts by looking at conflicts between the artifacts and the espoused values. (pp. 82-87)   

How can Culture be Influenced?

In Schein’s view, culture cannot be directly controlled but managers can influence and evolve a culture.  In fact, “Managing cultural evolution is one of the primary tasks of leadership.” (p. 219)

His basic model for cultural change is creating the motivation to change, followed by learning and then internalizing new concepts, meanings and standards. (p. 106).  This can be a challenging effort; resistance to change is widespread, especially if the organization has been successful in the past.  Implementing change involves motivating people to change by increasing their survival anxiety or guilt; then promoting new ways of thinking, which can lead to learning anxiety (fear of loss or failure).  Learning anxiety can be ameliorated by increasing the learner’s psychological safety by using multiple steps, including training, role models and consistent systems and structures.  Our promotion of simulation is based on our belief that simulation can provide a platform for learners to practice new behaviors in a controlled and forgiving setting.

If time is of the essence or major transformational change is necessary, then the situation requires the removal and replacement of the key cultural carriers.  Replacement of management team members has often occurred at nuclear plants to address perceived performance/culture issues.
 
Schein says employees can be coerced into behaving differently but they will only internalize the new ways of doing business if the new behavior leads to better outcomes.  That may be true but we tend toward a more pragmatic approach and agree with Commissioner Apostolakis when he said: “. . . we really care about what people do and maybe not why they do it . . . .”

Bottom Line
Prof. Schein has provided a powerful model for visualizing organizational culture and we applaud his work.  Our own modeling efforts incorporate many of his factors, although not always in the same words.  In addition, we consider other factors that influence organizational behavior and feed back into culture, e.g., the priorities and resources provided by a corporate parent.


*  E.H. Schein, The Corporate Culture Survival Guide, new and revised ed. (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 2009).  

Friday, September 21, 2012

SafetyMatters and the Schein Model of Culture

A reader recently asked: “Do you subscribe to Edgar Schein's culture model?”  The short-form answer is a qualified “Yes.”  Prof. Schein has developed significant and widely accepted insights into the structure of organizational culture.  In its simplest form, his model of culture has three levels: the organization’s (usually invisible) underlying beliefs and assumptions, its espoused values, and its visible artifacts such as behavior and performance.  He describes the responsibility of management, through its leadership, to articulate the espoused values with policies and strategies and thus shape culture to align with management’s vision for the organization.  Schein’s is a useful mental model for conceptualizing culture and management responsibilities.*     

However, we have issues with the way some people have applied his work to safety culture.  For starters, there is the apparent belief that these levels are related in a linear fashion, more particularly, that management by promulgating and reinforcing the correct values can influence the underlying beliefs, and together they will guide the organization to deliver the desired behaviors, i.e., the target level of safety performance.  This kind of thinking has problems.

First, it’s too simplistic.  Safety performance doesn’t arise only because of management’s espoused values and what the rest of the organization supposedly believes.  As discussed in many of our posts, we see a much more complex, multidimensional and interactive system that yields outcomes which reflect, in greater or lesser terms, desired levels of safety.  We have suggested that it is the totality of such outcomes that is representative of the safety culture in fact.** 

Second, it leads to attempts to measure and influence safety culture that are often ineffective and even misleading.  We wonder whether the heavy emphasis on values and leadership attitudes and behaviors - or traits - that the Schein model encourages, creates a form versus substance trap.  This emphasis carries over to safety culture surveys - currently the linchpin for identifying and “correcting” deficient safety culture -  and even doubles down by measuring the perception of attitudes and behaviors.  While attitudes and behaviors may in fact have a beneficial effect on the organizational environment in which people perform - we view them as good habits - we are not convinced they are the only determinants of the actions, decisions and choices made by the organization.  Is it possible that this approach creates an organization more concerned with how it looks and how it is perceived than with what it does?   If everyone is checking their safety likeness in the cultural mirror might this distract from focusing on how and why actual safety-related decisions are being made?

We think there is good support for our skepticism.  For every significant safety event in recent years - the BP refinery fire, the Massey coal mine explosion, the shuttle disasters, the Deepwater oil rig explosion, and the many instances of safety culture issues at nuclear plants - the organization and senior management had been espousing as their belief that “safety is the highest priority.”  Clearly that was more illusion than reality.

To give a final upward thrust to the apple cart, we don’t think that the current focus on nuclear safety culture is primarily about culture.  Rather we see “safety culture” more as a proxy for management’s safety performance - and perhaps a back door for the NRC to regulate while disclaiming same.*** 


*  We have mentioned Prof. Schein in several prior blog posts: June 26, 2012, December 8, 2011, August 11, 2010, March 29, 2010, and August 17, 2009.

**  This past year we have posted several times on decisions as one type of visible result (artifact) of the many variables that influence organizational behavior.  In addition, please revisit two of Prof. Perin’s case studies, summarized here.  They describe well-intentioned people, who probably would score well on a safety culture survey, who made plant problems much worse through a series of decisions that had many more influences than management’s entreaties and staff’s underlying beliefs.

***  Back in 2006, the NRC staff proposed to enhance the ROP to more fully address safety culture, saying that “Safety culture includes . . . features that are not readily visible such as basic assumptions and beliefs of both managers and individuals, which may be at the root cause of repetitive and far-reaching safety performance problems.”  It wouldn’t surprise us if that’s an underlying assumption at the agency.  See L.A. Reyes to the Commissioners, SECY-06-0122 “Policy Issue Information: Safety Culture Initiative Activities to Enhance the Reactor Oversight Process and Outcomes of the Initiatives” (May 24, 2006) p. 7 ADAMS ML061320282.  

Tuesday, September 4, 2012

More on Cynefin

Bob Cudlin recently posted on the work of David Snowden, a decision theorist and originator of the Cynefin decision construct.  Snowden’s Cognitive Edge website has a lot of information related to Cynefin, perhaps too much to swallow at once.  For those who want an introduction to the concepts, focusing on their implications for decision-making, we suggest a paper “Cynefin: repeatability, science and values”* by Prof. Simon French.

In brief, the Cynefin model divides decision contexts into four spaces: Known (or Simple), Knowable (or Complicated), Complex and Chaotic.  Knowledge about cause-and-effect relationships (and thus, appropriate decision making approaches) differs for each space.  In the Simple space, cause-and-effect is known and rules or processes can be established for decision makers; “best” practices are possible.  In the Complicated space, cause-and-effect is generally known but individual decisions require additional data and analysis, perhaps with probabilistic attributes; different practices may achieve equal results.  In the Complex space, cause-and-effect may only be identified after an event takes place so decision making must work on broad, flexible strategies that can be adjusted as a situation evolves; new practices emerge.  In the Chaotic space, there are no applicable analysis methods so decision makers must try things, see what happens and attempt to stabilize the situation; a novel (one-off) practice obtains.   

The model in the 2008 French paper is not in complete accord with the Cynefin model currently described by Snowden but French’s description of the underlying considerations for decision makers remains useful.  French’s paper also relates Cynefin to the views of other academics in the field of decision making.  

For an overview of Cynefin in Snowden’s own words, check out “The Cynefin Framework” on YouTube.  There he discusses a fifth space, Disorder, which is basically where a decision maker starts when confronted with a new decision situation.  Importantly, a decision maker will instinctively try to frame the decision in the Cynefin decision space most familiar to the decision maker based on personal history, professional experience, values and preference for action. 

In addition, Snowden describes the boundary between the Simple and Chaotic as the “complacent zone,” a potentially dangerous place.  In the Simple space, the world appears well-understood but as near-misses and low-signal events are ignored, the system can drift toward the boundary and slip into the Chaotic space where a crisis can arise and decision makers risk being overwhelmed.

Both decision maker bias and complacency present challenges to maintaining a strong safety culture.  The former can lead to faulty analysis of problems, forcing complex issues with multiple interactive causes through a one-size-fits-all solution protocol.  The latter can lead to disasters, great and small.  We have posted many times on the dangers of complacency.  To access those posts, click “complacency” in the Labels box.


*  S. French, “Cynefin: repeatability, science and values,” Newsletter of the European Working Group “Multiple Criteria Decision Aiding,” series 3, no. 17 (Spring 2008).  Thanks to Bill Mullins for bringing this paper to our attention. 

Thursday, August 30, 2012

Failure to Learn

In this post we call your attention to a current research paper* and Wall Street Journal summary article** that sheds some light on how people make decisions to protect against risk.  The specific subject of the research involves response to imminent risk of house damage due to hurricanes.  As the author of the paper states, “The purpose of this paper is to attempt to resolve the question of whether there are, in fact, inherent limits to our ability to learn from experience about the value of protection against low-probability, high-consequence, events.” (p.3)  Also of interest is how the researchers used several simulations to gain insight and quantify how the decisions compared to optimal risk mitigation.

Are these results directly applicable to nuclear safety decisions?  We think not.  But they are far from irrelevant.  They illustrate the value of careful and thoughtful research into the how and why of decisions, the impact of the decision environment and the opportunities for learning to produce better decisions.  It also raises the question, Where is the nuclear industry on this subject?  Nuclear managers are making routinely what are probably the most safety significant decisions of any industry.  But how good are these decisions, and what determines their decision quality?  The industry might contend that the emphasis on safety culture (meaning values and traits) is the sine qua non for assuring decisions that adequately reflect safety.  Bad decision?  Must have been bad culture.  Reiterate culture, assume better decisions to follow. Is this right or is safety culture the wrong blanket or just too small a blanket to try to cover a decision process evolving from a complex adaptive system? 

The basic construct for the first simulation was a contest among participants (college students) with the potential to earn a small cash bonus based on achieving certain performance results.  Each participant was made the owner of a house in a coastal area subject to hurricane intrusion.  During the simulation animation, a series of hurricanes would materialize in the ocean and approach land.  The position, track and strength of the hurricane were continuously updated.  Prior to landfall participants had the choice of purchasing protection against damage for that specific storm, either partial or full protection.  The objective was to maximize total net asset; i.e., the value of the house, less any uncompensated damage and less the cost of any purchased protection.

While the first simulation focused on recurrent short term mitigation decisions, in the second simulation participants had the option to purchase protection that would last at least for the full season but had to purchased prior to a storm occurring.  (A comprehensive description of the simulation and test data are provided in the referenced paper.)

The results indicated that participants significantly under-protected their homes leading to actual losses higher than a “rational” approach to purchasing protection.  While part of the losses was due to purchasing protection unnecessarily, most was due to under protection.  The main driver, according to the researchers, appeared to be that participants over relied on their most recent experience instead of an objective assessment of current risk.  In other words, if in a prior hurricane they experienced no damage, either due to the track of the hurricane or because they had purchased protection, they were less inclined to purchase protection for the next hurricane. 

The simulations reveal limitations in the ability to achieve improved decisions in what was, in essence, a trial and error environment.  Feedback occurred after each storm, but participants did not necessarily use the feedback in an optimal manner “due to a tendency to excessively focus on the immediate disutility of cost outlays” (p.10)  In any event it is clear that the nuclear safety decision making environment is “not ideal for learning—…[since] feedback is rare and noisy…” (p.5)  In fact most feedback in nuclear operations might appear to be affirming since rarely do decisions to take short term risks result in bad outcomes.  It is an environment susceptible to complacency more than learning.

The author concludes with a final question as to whether non-optimal decision making, such as observed in the simulations, can be overcome.  He concludes, “This is may be a difficult since the psychological mechanisms that lead to the biases may be hard-wired; as long as we remain present-focused, prone to chasing short-term rewards and avoiding short term punishment, it is unlikely that individuals and institutions will learn to undertake optimal levels of protective investment by experience alone. The key, therefore, is introducing decision architectures that allow individuals to overcome these biases through, for example, creative use of defaults…” (pp. 30-31)


*  R.J. Meyer, “Failing to Learn from Experience about Catastrophes: The Case of Hurricane Preparedness,” The Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania Working Paper 2012-05 (March 2012).

** C. Shea, “Failing to Learn From Hurricane Experience, Again and Again,” Wall Street Journal (Aug. 17, 2012).

Tuesday, August 28, 2012

Confusion of Properties and Qualities

Dave Snowden
In this post we highlight a provocative, and we believe, accurate criticism of the approach taken by many management scientists in focusing on behaviors as the determinant of desired outcomes.  The source is Dave Snowden, a Welsh lecturer, consultant and researcher in the field of knowledge management.  For those of you interested in finding out more about him, the website http://cognitive-edge.com/main for Cognitive Edge, founded by Snowden, contains an abundant amount of accessible content.

Snowden is a proponent of applying complexity science to inform managers’ decision making and actions.  He is perhaps best known for developing the Cynefin framework which is designed to help managers understand their operational context - based on four archetypes: simple, complicated, complex and chaotic. In considering the archetypes one can see how various aspects of nuclear operations might fit within the simple or complicated frameworks; frameworks where tools such as best practices and root cause analysis are applicable.  But one can also see the limitations of these frameworks in more complex situations, particularly those involving nuanced safety decisions which are at the heart of nuclear safety culture.  Snowden describes “complex adaptive systems” as ones where the system and its participants evolve together through ongoing interaction and influence, and system behavior is “emergent” from that process.  Perhaps most provocatively for nuclear managers is his contention that CDA systems are “non-causal” in nature, meaning one shouldn’t think in terms of linear cause and effect and shouldn’t expect that root cause analysis will provide the needed insight into system failures.

With all that said, we want to focus on a quote from one of Snowden’s lectures in 2008 “Complexity Applied to Systems”.*  In the lecture at approximately the 15:00 minute mark, he comments on a “fundamental error of logic” he calls “confusion of properties and qualities”.  He says:

“...all of management science, they observe the behaviors of people who have desirable properties, then try to achieve those desirable properties by replicating the behaviors”.

By way of a pithy illustration Snowden says, “...if I go to France and the first ten people I see are wearing glasses, I shouldn’t conclude that all Frenchmen wear glasses.  And I certainly shouldn’t conclude if I put on glasses, I will become French.”

For us Snowden’s observation generated an immediate connection to the approach being implemented around the nuclear enterprise.  Think about the common definitions of safety culture adopted by the NRC and industry.  The NRC definition specifies “... the core values and behaviors…” and “Experience has shown that certain personal and organizational traits are present in a positive safety culture. A trait, in this case, is a pattern of thinking, feeling, and behaving that emphasizes safety, particularly in goal conflict situations, e.g., production, schedule, and the cost of the effort versus safety.”**

The INPO definition defines safety culture as “An organization's values and behaviors – modeled by its leaders and internalized by its members…”***

In keeping with these definitions the NRC and industry rely heavily on the results of safety culture surveys to ascertain areas in need of improvement.  These surveys overwhelmingly focus on whether nuclear personnel are “modeling” the definitional traits, values and behaviors.  This seems to fall squarely in the realm described by Snowden of looking to replicate behaviors in hopes of achieving the desired culture and results.  Most often, identified deficiencies are subject to retraining to reinforce the desired safety culture traits.  But what seems to be lacking is a determination of why the traits were not exhibited in the first place.  Followup surveys may be conducted periodically, again to measure compliance with traits.  This recipe is considered sufficient until the next time there are suspect decisions or actions by the licensee. 

Bottom Line

The nuclear enterprise - NRC and industry - appear to be locked into a simplistic and linear view of safety culture.  Values and traits produce desired behaviors; desired behaviors produce appropriate safety management.  Bad results?  Go back to values and traits and retrain.  Have management reiterate that safety is their highest priority.  Put up more posters. 

But what if Snowden’s concept of complex adaptive systems is really an applicable model, and the safety management system is a much more complicated, continuously, self-evolving process?  It is a question well worth pondering - and may have far more impact than much of the hardware centric issues currently being pursued.

Footnote: Snowden is an immensely informative and entertaining lecturer and a large number of his lectures are available via podcasts on the Cognitive Edge website and through YouTube videos.  They could easily provide a stimulating input to safety culture training sessions.

*  Podcast available at http://cognitive-edge.com/library/more/podcasts/agile-conference-complexity-applied-to-systems-2008/. 

**  NRC Safety Culture Policy Statement (June 14, 2011).

***  INPO Definition of Safety Culture (2004).

Tuesday, July 31, 2012

Regulatory Influence on Safety Culture

In September, 2011 the Nuclear Energy Agency (NEA) and the International Atomic Energy (IAEA) held a workshop for regulators and industry on oversight of licensee management.  “The principal aim of the workshop was to share experience and learning about the methods and approaches used by regulators to maintain oversight of, and influence, nuclear licensee leadership and management for safety, including safety culture.”*

Representatives from several countries made presentations.  For example, the U.S. presentation by NRC’s Valerie Barnes and INPO’s Ken Koves discussed work to define safety culture (SC) traits and correlate them to INPO principles and ROP findings (we previously reviewed this effort here).  Most other presentations also covered familiar territory. 

However, we were very impressed by Prof. Richard Taylor’s keynote address.  He is from the University of Bristol and has studied organizational and cultural factors in disasters and near-misses in both nuclear and non-nuclear contexts.  His list of common contributors includes issues with leadership, attitudes, environmental factors, competence, risk assessment, oversight, organizational learning and regulation.  He expounded on each factor with examples and additional detail. 

We found his conclusion most encouraging:  “Given the common precursors, we need to deepen our understanding of the complexity and interconnectedness of the socio-political systems at the root of organisational accidents.”  He suggests using system dynamics modeling to study archetypes including “maintaining visible convincing leadership commitment in the presence of commercial pressures.”  This is totally congruent with the approach we have been advocating for examining the effects of competing business and safety pressures on management. 

Unfortunately, this was the intellectual high point of the proceedings.  Topics that we believe are important to assessing and understanding SC got short shrift thereafter.  In particular, goal conflict, CAP and management compensation were not mentioned by any of the other presenters.

Decision-making was mentioned by a few presenters but there was no substantive discussion of this topic (the U.K. presenter had a motherhood statement that “Decisions at all levels that affect safety should be rational, objective, transparent and prudent”; the Barnes/Kove presentation appeared to focus on operational decision making).  A bright spot was in the meeting summary where better insight into licensees’ decision making process was mentioned as desirable and necessary by regulators.  And one suggestion for future research was “decision making in the face of competing goals.”  Perhaps there is hope after all.

(If this post seems familiar, last Dec 5 we reported on a Feb 2011 IAEA conference for regulators and industry that covered some of the same ground.  Seven months later the bureaucrats had inched the football a bit down the field.)


*  Proceedings of an NEA/IAEA Workshop, Chester, U.K. 26-28 Sept 2011, “Oversight and Influencing of Licensee Leadership and Management for Safety, Including Safety Culture – Regulatory Approaches and Methods,” NEA/CSNI/R(2012)13 (June 2012).

Friday, July 27, 2012

Modeling Safety Culture (Part 4): Simulation Results 2


As we introduced in our prior post on this subject (Results 1), we are presenting some safety culture simulation results based on a highly simplified model.  In that post we illustrated how management might react to business pressure caused by a reduction in authorized budget dollars.  The actions of management result in shifting of resources from safety to business and lead to changes in the state of safety culture.

In this post we continue with the same model and some other interesting scenarios.  In each of the following charts three outputs are plotted: safety culture in red, management action level in blue and business pressure in dark green.  The situation is an organization with a somewhat lower initial safety culture and confronted with a somewhat smaller budget reduction than the example in Results 1. 

Figure 1
Figure 1 shows an overly reactive management. The blue line shows management’s actions in response to the changes in business pressure (green) associated with the budget change.  Note that management’s actions are reactive, shifting priorities immediately and directly in response. The behavior leads to a cyclic outcome where management actions temporarily alleviate business pressure, but when actions are relaxed, pressure rises again, followed by another cycle of management response.  This could be a situation where management is not addressing the source of the problem, shifting priorities back and forth between business and safety.  Also of interest is that the magnitude of the cycle is actually increasing with time indicating that the system is essentially unstable and unsustainable.  Safety culture (red) declines throughout the time frame.

Figure 2
Figure 2 shows the identical conditions but where management implements a more restrained approach, delaying its response to changes in business.  The overall system response is still cyclic, but now the magnitude of the cycles is decreasing and converging on a stable outcome.






Figure 3
Figure 3 is for the same conditions, but the management response is restrained further.  Management takes more time to assess the situation and respond to business pressure conditions.  This approach starts to filter out the cyclic type of response seen in the first two examples and will eventually result in a lower business gap.

Perhaps the most important takeaway from these three simulations is that the total changes in safety culture are not significantly different.  A certain price is being paid for shifting priorities away from safety, however the ability to reduce and maintain lower business pressure is much better with the last management strategy.

Figure 4
The last example in this set is shown in Figure 4.  This is a situation where business pressure is gradually ramped up due to a series of small step reductions in budget levels.  Within the simulation we have also set a limit on extent of management actions.  Initially management takes no action to shift priorities - business pressure is within a value that safety culture can resist.  Consequently safety culture remains stable.  After the third “bump” in business pressure, the threshold resistance of safety culture is broken and management starts to modestly shift priorities.  Even though business pressure continues to ramp up, management response is capped and does not “chase” closing the business gap.  As a result safety culture suffers only a modest reduction before stabilizing.  This scenario may be more typical of an organization with a fairly strong safety culture - under sufficient pressure it will make modest tradeoffs in priorities but will resist a significant compromise in safety.